The Imperial Hygiene Of Cecil Tyndale Biscoe: How A British Missionary's Cleanliness Campaign Recast Kashmiri Identity

Biscoe remains a notable figure in Kashmir, with the Tyndale-Biscoe School for Boys still standing as one of the premier educational institutions in the Valley. However, his emphasis on hygiene and moral purity is often overlooked in discussions about the interactions between Kashmiris and the British, particularly Christian missionaries, during British colonial rule in India.

Examining Biscoe’s efforts to promote cleanliness offers valuable insights into the intersection of Christian missionary work, imperialism, racism and the politics of hygiene in the erstwhile princely state of Jammu and Kashmir. It also sheds light on the current perceptions of Kashmiri Muslims within India and beyond.

Cleanliness, Colonialism and Control

In Eastern contexts, cleanliness transcends mere hygiene and encompasses a broader cultural understanding of pollution and purity. Traditional Indian society often intertwines the maintenance of purity with caste separation and gender hierarchy. For instance, Brahmins are traditionally prohibited from engaging in tasks deemed polluting, such as cleaning latrines or scavenging garbage, roles typically associated with ‘lower’ castes. This separation creates a paradoxical dependency, as ‘upper’ castes rely on the services of these ‘lower’ castes, despite viewing their roles as impure.

T.N. Madan analyses the social dynamics in mixed Kashmiri villages, noting a similar reliance of Kashmiri Hindus (Pandits) on Muslims for various occupational activities. Pandits avoid tasks like barbering, washing clothes and dealing with dead animals, considering them polluting, while Muslims view these roles through an economic lens. Gender and religious dynamics further amplify discrimination, with strict ritual behaviors surrounding menstruation, childbirth and death, which often relate more to social order than hygiene.

In Western contexts, racial divisions served a similar function to caste divisions in India. Colonial bureaucrats, missionaries and travelers linked order and rationality with cleanliness, portraying colonized peoples as filthy, disorderly and depraved, while European hygienic practices were considered the epitome of civilization. Professor Timothy Burke argues that, in the 19^th century European colonial world, regulating the body and hygiene was seen as a means of control and enhancement.

Race, Bodies and Cleanliness in Kashmir

When Biscoe arrived in Kashmir in 1891 to assist Rev. J. H. Knowles, who had started a school in Srinagar in 1881, he was struck by his students’ appearance and hygiene. Describing his initial impressions of ‘surprise’, ‘disgust’ and ‘amusement’, he was unsettled by their ungainly attire and unpleasant odor. He also noted the students’ long fingernails, which he learned were a local sign of gentility.

Biscoe’s upbringing was deeply religious, and by the age of six, he had vowed to go to Africa to “set the nigger free”. Although he was refused service in Central Africa on health grounds, he was directed to Kashmir to assist Knowles. Known as Padre Sahib in Kashmir, Biscoe viewed the school as a means to mold students’ minds and bodies, teaching them loyalty, charity, manners, truth and cleanliness.

He believed a clean boy who failed an examination was preferable to a dirty boy who passed.

However, the native community held different views on purity and pollution. Many believed that a clean appearance might attract the devil or lead to heavy taxation by the Afghan government. This perception of cleanliness as a protection against exploitation and a means of resisting oppressive rule illustrate a form of passive resistance.

From a colonial perspective, Biscoe’s cleanliness drive was part of a broader ideological justification for British rule, criticising Indian social customs as “degenerate and barbaric” and believing that only a white Christian could affect reform. Frantz Fanon argues that colonialism aimed to implant the notion that natives’ history was marked by barbarism before the advent of European rule.

Biscoe’s writings reflect his belief in the superiority of the European civilisation and his disdain for Indian self-governance, viewing the Indian independence movement as “wholly premature”. He saw himself primarily as a missionary dedicated to establishing God’s kingdom on earth.

Biscoe’s critical assessment of Kashmiri cleanliness was also a reflection of his broader prejudices. He found the Kashmiri people’s habits, including those of traditional societies like the Gujjars who share space with cattle, to be objectionable. Biscoe promoted a new societal framework centered on English education and Victorian moral values while maintaining a prejudiced attitude toward Kashmiris.

Despite his contributions to education and social reform in Kashmir, including advocating for manual labor and widow remarriage, his work faced limited support from the Church Missionary Society (CMS), which preferred a focus on religious conversion over social reform. Biscoe’s racist mindset and belief in the intellectual and cultural immaturity of Indians reveal the complexities of his mission. His efforts to reshape Kashmiri identity through cleanliness and moral training reflect the broader colonial agenda of imposing Western values while perpetuating a condescending attitude toward native cultures.

Ultimately, Biscoe’s story illustrates the intricate ways in which missionary, colonial and local dynamics intertwined, shaping Kashmiri subjectivity and identity within the context of British imperial rule.

(Zohra Batul is a research scholar at Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi)