How Communal Politics Have Been Played In Rajasthan's Election Campaign

In the capital city of Jaipur, Moeen, 18, a young Muslim boy hugs a poster of Gehlot and runs from places. He says,?“Congress meri jaan hai, sabka bhala karta hai?(Congress is my life, does goo for all).”

In Rajasthan, the vote bank of the minority community has largely maintained its loyalty towards the Congress and such instances are visible in places like the Sheo constituency, in Barmer where despite an acute water crisis and a hindered development of infrastructure, it has been the incumbent 85-year-old Ameen Khan, who has been winning the seat on Congress ticket. Barmer has a sizable population of Muslims and a similar situation is also seen in the Sardarpura constituency of Jodhpur where Muslims make up the largest votebank of around 28,000. Speaking to Outlook, Mohamadden Hanef Khilji, 83, says, “We will benefit only from the Congress rule. Gehlot ji does not want to set a community on fire like the BJP. Congress never did so and can never do so.” Khilji, who had to witness the horrific ripple effect of the Babri Masjid demolition of 1992 says that she is yet to revive from the fear his community went through back then and his anger has never let him forget what ‘ills have befallen Muslims since then’. Referring to the saffron party, he says,?“Puri desh mein inhone toh lagayi aag.”

Along with Khilji, voters from the Saradrapura area believe that although there are riots that may break out in Rajasthan, under the Congress rule, they are lesser in numbers. Deepak Mangani, Sindhi, says that although Congress preaches appeasement politics, however, “danga is less”.

As one moves from the west to the east, in Alwar (urban), Muslims appear to be swaying towards the Congress; perhaps in a collective bid to resist the BJP’s Hindutva politics. Mubarik Khan Malik, 24, tells how the BJP’s sadhu-sant (seers and saints) politics in the region only polarise one community. “They have not even won the election, and they have already started speaking about bulldozer politics,” says Malik referring to recent speeches by Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Mahant Balaknath, BJP’s contestant from the Tijara seat in Alwar, which has frequently made headlines for communal violence.

BJP’s Hindu consolidation and AIMIM’s inroads?

Moving southwest to Tonk, which has been historically considered a 'minority seat' of the Congress given the dominance of the Muslim population, Bhiduri made?yet another contentious statement. After his Lahore remark, he further alleged, "The whole country is eagerly watching this election. Not just the country, Lahore is keeping an eye on elections in Rajasthan and Tonk. Who gives shelter to PFI people? When PFI people are caught, who provides them with food? People sitting in Tonk feed them.”

Bhiduri didn’t only refer to the banned radical Islamic outfit Popular Front of India, he also roped in Hamas in his derogatory remark. In a purported video of Bhiduri’s speech from that night, he can be heard saying that ‘terrorists like Hamas have an eye on this region’. “If someone dies in an accident, his family is given a job and ? 50 lakh... and if an innocent Kanhaiya is murdered, then there is talk of giving ? 5 lakh as alms," he reportedly says.

The BJP has not extended a ticket to any Muslim candidate in this assembly election while Congress has fielded 15 candidates. But the question lies in whether it could be a split vote with the entry of the AIMIM which has fielded candidates for around 13 seats. The AIMIM has been trying to make inroads in Tonk which might cut into the Congress’s Muslim vote. Earlier this year, AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi held a rally in Tonk district, where he urged?the community to consolidate its “political power” if it wanted?to have its “injustices and pain addressed”.

Tribals baulk at religious politics

However, all the divisive and appeasement politics of both parties tend to take a backseat when one enters the tribal belt of southern Rajasthan. The tribal-dominated electoral belt comprises Banswara, Dun-garpur, Pratapgarh and five other districts: Udaipur, Rajsa-mand, Chittorgarh, Sirohi and Pali, which have significant tribal votes. And the fresh infusion and upsurge of tribal leadership, the Bharat Adivasi Party (BAP), is now emerging as a force to potentially baulk at the ‘religious politics’ of Hindutva organisations, mostly affiliated with the BJP and RSS.

“The BJP has gained traction among adivasi communities in recent years. It is evident in their electoral successes. The BJP strategically portrays adivasis as an integral part of the broader Hindutva umbrella, while some Congress leaders advocate recognising their distinct religious identity. The rise of BAP and Bharatiya Tribal Party (BTP) highlights the concerns of adivasis who have historically faced discrimination, exploitation and marginalisation despite electoral promises from both the BJP and Congress,” Kunal Shahdeo, a researcher on Adivasi politics opine.

Kantilal Roat, BAP’s MLA candidate from Dungarpur tells Outlook that with the alternate governments of the BJP and the Congress, there has been a constant attempt to divide the state’s adivasis into religious lines:?yena, kena, prakāre?a?(in whatever manner possible). “Currently, tribals in Rajasthan face two major challenges: religious politics and the dirty blame game of the two parties. The day these (things) stop, perhaps the leaders above would realise the true nature of the demands of adivasis. And trust me, it’s beyond what they think,” claims Roat, who insists that both the BJP and the Congress are alike. “The former practises religious politics openly, while the latter is subtle about it.”