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Tracing Jharkhand Mukti Morcha’s Ideological Journey From Leftist Alliances To Coalition Dynamics

In 1972, lawyer Binod Bihari Mahato, trade unionist AK Roy, and regional youth leader Shibu Soren founded the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM). The party emerged from the Jharkhand statehood movement.

PTI
Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) leader Shibu Soren and Jharkhand Chief Minister Hemant Soren Photo: PTI
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Throughout much of the 20th century, the local politics of Jharkhand remained centred on the demand for a separate state. In the early phase of these movements, tribal leaders, particularly those in the Chota Nagpur region of the undivided Bihar, spearheaded the call for a distinct state for the tribal people. Since that era, tribal politics in Jharkhand has become synonymous with the politics of ‘water, forest, and land’. After decades-long movement and the sacrifice of numerous activists, on the birth anniversary of the revered freedom fighter Birsa Munda, on November 15, 2000, the Indian government bestowed upon Jharkhand the status of a separate state.

In the mid-1970s, when a diverse assortment was born out of Jayaprakash Narayan’s idea of a ‘dal viheen loktantra (democracy sans political parties)’, it ended up as a ‘vichardhara vihin dal (political party sans ideology). At the same time, an umbrella organisation was formed by the name of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), which also later became a political party sans ideology.

In 1972, lawyer Binod Bihari Mahato, trade unionist AK Roy, and regional youth leader Shibu Soren founded JMM. Some of the flag bearers of the Jharkhand movement believe that they founded the organisation under the guidance of a ‘radical leader’ who came from West Bengal.

Hemant Soren, the son of Shibu Soren, now serves as the Chief Minister of Jharkhand. In the annals of Indian history, few chief ministers have felt the weight of the Enforcement Directorate’s (ED) imprints as deeply as he has.

History And Founding Principles Of JMM

The JMM was founded initially on the principles of preserving the cultural and socio-economic rights of the Adivasi —tribal— communities. The party aimed to provide a political platform for the tribals to voice their concerns and participate actively in the democratic process. In the early years, the JMM focussed on issues such as land rights, protection of tribal identity, and equitable distribution of resources.

The party has consistently advocated for greater autonomy and self-determination for tribal communities. The party argues that tribal regions should have a say in decisions affecting their land, resources, and cultural practices. This push for autonomy is rooted in the belief that tribal communities understand their needs better than external authorities, and their voices should be heard in matters that directly impact their lives.

Preserving the rich cultural heritage of tribal communities has been a priority for the JMM in the past. The party recognises the importance of traditional practices, languages, and customs in maintaining the identity of Adivasi populations. Efforts to safeguard and promote tribal cultures have been integrated into the JMM's agenda, emphasizing the need to strike a balance between development and cultural preservation.

Political Party Sans Ideology

In the tapestry of political evolution, the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) gracefully emerged as a significant force during times of upheaval, earnestly endeavouring to redress the grievances of the tribal population and championing their rights to land, resources, and self-determination.

Historically, the JMM has waltzed through various political alignments, navigating the diverse spectra of the left, right, and political centre. Initially, the JMM stood shoulder to shoulder with Marxist trade unionists such as AK Roy. However, as the intricate dance of political dynamics unfolded, the JMM, finding itself amidst widening rifts with its leftist allies, elegantly embraced an electoral partnership with the Indian National Congress-Indira (INC-I) during the mid-term polls of 1980. This strategic alliance not only harmonised with the regional presence of the JMM but also contributed a nuanced brushstroke to the canvas of the INC, depicting it as a party empathetic to tribal concerns. This delicate choreography subtly played a role in nullifying the influence of leftist parties, particularly those led by figures like Roy. The intricacies of this political ballet unfolded against a backdrop of strategic manoeuvres, as the JMM, through its collaboration with the INC, found a harmonious rhythm to navigate the complex currents of electoral dynamics.

The birth of the state of Jharkhand in 2000 represented a profound milestone in the saga of tribal rights in India. Preceding this momentous occasion, the tribal communities in the region grappled with an array of challenges, including displacement due to industrialisation, exploitation, and the disregard for their distinctive cultural identities. In the second assembly of the state, the JMM aligned with the BJP, forming a symbiotic government in Jharkhand. In 2008, Sudhir Mahato, a member of the JMM and brother of the late JMM leader Nirmal Mahato, ascended to the position of Deputy Chief Minister.

During the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance’s (UPA) inaugural government at the centre, Shibu Soren served as the Union Minister of Coal thrice, contributing to the intricate dance of political alliances and affiliations. The JMM’s journey reflects a nuanced ballet, where steps are taken in tandem with the shifting rhythms of political landscapes, all while maintaining an unwavering commitment to the cause of tribal rights.

In the third assembly of Jharkhand, the JMM orchestrated a coalition with the UPA for electoral endeavours. However, post-election results, it seamlessly pivoted to join hands with the NDA, ushering in the historic moment when Hemant Soren assumed the role of Deputy CM in the Arjun Munda-led government.

On July 15, 2013, Hemant took the oath of office as the Chief Minister of Jharkhand, garnering support from the Congress and RJD following the removal of the President’s rule in the state. This marked a pivotal moment in his political journey as he assumed the mantle of leadership in the aftermath of a period of direct governance from the central government.

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His journey at the helm continued as he once again emerged triumphant, securing re-election as the Chief Minister of Jharkhand in December 2019. The echo of victory resonated as he solemnly took the oath for a second term on December 29, cementing his role as a significant political figure in the state.

Political Milestones

Over the years, the JMM has achieved several political milestones, becoming a prominent force in Jharkhand politics. Shibu Soren, one of the founding members, served as the Chief Minister of Jharkhand multiple times, reflecting the party’s growing influence. The JMM’s success in electoral politics has enabled it to address tribal issues at both the state and national levels.

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On a broader perspective, the JMM on front, has consistently opposed the exploitation of tribal resources by external entities, including the central government. Whether it be mining projects or industrial initiatives, the party has raised concerns about the impact on the environment, livelihoods, and cultural heritage of the tribal communities. This stance aligns with the broader goal of protecting tribal rights and ensuring sustainable development that respects local ecosystems.

Preserving the rich cultural heritage of tribal communities has been a said priority for the JMM. The party recognises the importance of traditional practices, languages, and customs in maintaining the identity of Adivasi populations. Efforts to safeguard and promote tribal cultures have been integrated into the JMM’s agenda, emphasising the need to strike a balance between development and cultural preservation.

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Adherents of the Sarna faith embrace a reverence for nature, venerating water, forests, and land as sacred entities. Their spiritual ethos eschews idol worship and rejects adherence to the varna system. A significant portion of the tribal populace in Jharkhand aligns with the Sarna faith. In the year 2020, the Jharkhand assembly delicately passed a resolution, urging the inclusion of the Sarna Dharma Code in the census, and forwarded this proposition to the Centre through the state governor. The resolution now awaits consideration from the Centre, introducing a subtle pause in the ongoing discourse surrounding this nuanced matter.

In 2022, the JMM-led coalition government orchestrated a momentous legislative session during the state’s one-day special extended monsoon assembly. Through a series of voice votes, the government successfully passed a landmark bill and an amendment, signalling a transformative shift in the socio-political landscape.

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At the heart of this groundbreaking bill, the crux of which lies in defining the state’s locals based on land survey records dating back to 1932, colloquially known as the ‘Khatiyan’. This archival reference serves as a compass to delineate the indigenous population of the state, a move that has long been sought after by residents. Simultaneously, an accompanying amendment seeks to elevate the quota of reserved communities in government jobs from the current 60 per cent to an expansive 77 per cent. While these measures fulfil longstanding demands of the state’s inhabitants, it's essential to note that they have encountered opposition from certain segments of the population.

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With a rallying cry of “we’ll give our lives but not our land!” resonating through the hearts of thousands of rural inhabitants in Jharkhand for the past 29 years, an enduring struggle has, at long last, emerged victorious. This movement unfolded near the famed Netarhat Plateau, encompassing 245 villages, with opposing the notification that earmarked the land for military firing practices. Soren dismissed the proposal to extend the duration of the notification for the ‘Netarhat Field Firing Range’. The saga dates back to 1994 when, amid a relentless protest by the rural populace, a new notification in 1999 extended the validity of the Netarhat Field Firing Range until May 11, 2022. On August 17, 2022, the JMM-led Jharkhand government officially stated that Soren had rejected the proposal to renotify the Netarhat Field Firing Range.

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The JMM tried to champion environmental causes in alignment with its commitment to tribal rights. The party recognises that sustainable development requires responsible environmental practices. Efforts to protect forests, water bodies, and biodiversity are seen as integral to preserving the natural resources that are essential for the livelihoods of tribal communities.

Challenges In Front Of JMM

While the JMM has been a key advocate for tribal rights, it has not been without its challenges and criticisms. Some critics argue that the party’s focus on identity politics might hinder broader development initiatives. Others contend that the JMM’s strategies, including protests and agitations, may sometimes lead to disruptions without offering viable solutions.

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But at the same time, the persistent socio-economic inequality and marginalisation experienced by tribal communities in Jharkhand significantly contribute to egregious human rights violations. Despite the establishment of the state with the primary objective of addressing their concerns, the tribal population continues to grapple with discriminatory practices, land dispossession, and restricted access to essential services. This prolonged neglect and exclusionary practices create a breeding ground for the proliferation of human rights abuses.

A particularly alarming trend in Jharkhand is the concerning pattern of custodial deaths. During 2018-20, the state recorded a staggering total of 166 custodial deaths, with 156 instances occurring within prison facilities and 10 within police custody. These distressing figures underscore the urgent need for immediate action to establish accountability and ensure justice for the victims of these custodial deaths.

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Beyond the stark statistics, it is crucial to delve into the root causes of these human rights violations. The socio-economic disparities faced by tribal communities not only exacerbate their vulnerability but also contribute to a systemic environment where their basic rights are routinely compromised. The discriminatory practices, land dispossession, and limited access to essential services serve as stark reminders of the systemic challenges that need to be addressed comprehensively.

In addressing these human rights concerns, a multifaceted approach is imperative. Efforts should encompass not only immediate accountability for custodial deaths but also structural reforms aimed at rectifying the systemic issues that perpetuate discrimination and marginalisation. Furthermore, initiatives promoting awareness, education, and empowerment within tribal communities can play a pivotal role in fostering a more inclusive and rights-centric environment in Jharkhand.

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